De-Mythifying and De-Mystifying Ambedkar

Harsh Thakor

In Iconoclast, Dr Anand Teltumbde, a distinguished authority on the Dalit movement, presents an illustrative biography of Dr B R Ambedkar. Without doubt, a path breaking work. The author brilliantly traces his crystallisation into one of the icons of the last century or dissects events that shaped Bhima Rao’s evolution to Babasahaeb into making Dalits recognise Ambedkar as their leader. Teltumbde navigates areas beyond the boundaries of history, investigating Ambedkar’s impact on contemporary India and penetratively explores the epic struggle for liberation. Teltumbde does justice to Ambedkar’s legacy lighting a new dawn through the age, inspiring generations to accomplish the goals of eradicating inequality and cutting tumours of injustice from society.

Iconoclastprojects Ambedkar as a man of flesh and blood, who manifested his own times and endeavoured to achieve his goals. In contrast to the hyperbole often associated with his legacy, Teltumbde eradicates any element of myth and eulogy to convey the essence of the man behind the legend.

“A biography often becomes a eulogy, an unquestioning celebration,” Teltumbde remarked. “That wasn’t the book I wanted to write, especially today when Ambedkar’s legacy is being co-opted across the political spectrum. “But upon reflection”–he continued, explaining the prefix ‘reflective’ before the biography–“I agreed to look at him not as a god to be worshipped, but a case study. If we are to be inspired by him, we must see him as a real person.”

In this work, Ambedkar is presented not as a deity of devotion but as an important case study for the present generation to learn from. The author traced the methodology with which he evaluated the Buddha, whom he regarded as his master, to present Ambedkar’s life and legacy with a critical analysis rather than mere eulogy.

Teltumbde recounted that there were several leaders who worked on different issues that ailed society but directed movements without considering the caste exploitation of the majority of their own people. This realisation gave birth to the non-Brahmin movement of Jyotiba Phule and later to Dalit movements in various provinces with varying visions and approaches.

The book unravels that after the 1930s, Ambedkar overshadowed other Dalit leaders and movements that struck across various regions, becoming the most impactful leader for Dalits, who constituted one-sixth of India’s population However, despite his stature, he was placed in oblivion by the ruling classes after his death. Dalits had to struggle tooth and nail to erect his statues, and it took a decade before a marker was established at his cremation site.

Ambedkar characterised castes as not only a social evil but also a religious evil, and spoke of dynamiting the Hindu Dharmashastras that sustained it. After realising the impossibility of this task, he concentrated on the political solution and came in confrontation with stalwarts like Mahatma Gandhi. Even in his intellectual navigation; he challenged giants like Bertrand Russell and John Maynard Keynes. This very rebellious attitude towards established icons and ideas that makes him an iconoclast.

The author narrates Ambedkar’s sheer hatred for Communism. He is also critical of Ambedkar’s silence against the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha and concludes that his goal was to annihilate caste.

Teltumbde recounted how Ambekar’s role as architect behind the Constitution was a myth which had to be dispelled. This was evident in Ambedkar’s sentiments in the years after the Republic was formed. “Ambedkar said he was used as a hack to get the support of the Dalits for the book, and he would be the first one to burn the constitution.”

While Ambedkar did indeed make the most significant contribution among the seven members of the Drafting Committee, it is important to understand that he was not solely responsible for writing the Constitution. TT Krishnamachari, a member of the Drafting Committee, acknowledged in November 1948 that the “burden of drafting this [revised] constitution” fell largely on Ambedkar because other members were unable to make “substantial contributions” due to “death, illness, and other preoccupations.” Additionally, Ambedkar’s role in piloting the draft constitution is evident from the Constituent Assembly debates, where he actively defended and explained its various provisions.

Ambedkar himself expressed anger with being labelled the “architect” of the Constitution. In a debate in the RajyaSabha on September 2, 1953, he responded to a member’s remark by saying, “I was a hack. What I was asked to do, I did much against my will... My friends tell me that I have made the Constitution. But I am quite prepared to say that I shall be the first person to burn it out. I do not want it. It does not suit anybody.”

In detail the author unravels the pro-caste policies of Mahatma Gandhi, citing Poona pact which deprived Dalits of political power. Ambedkar located the evils of caste system in Vedas, Shastras and Puranas.The book traces Ambedkar’s antagonism with Hinduism in retrospect to the death of Ramabai and what drew him into Buddhism. There are important references to the temple entry Satyagrahas like the one at Mahad and struggles of untouchables in Nasik and Pune. In immaculate depth the author analyses how and why Ambedkar resorted to taking refuge in Buddhism.

The book unravels the historical processes crucial for the new generation who risk falling into the trap of a blinded devotion to Ambedkar, unable to diagnose their own condition, the factors responsible for their plight, or what hinders their movement.

Book doesn’t adequately explain Ambedkar’s negation of revolutionary class struggles or collusion with reformism, particularly on workers’ front while projecting Ambedkar as a social revolutionary, rather than a social reformer. No criticism of how Ambekar did not give cutting edge to class struggles or Communist influenced movements. or the glaring contradictions between Ambedkarism and Marxism.

In the concluding chapter Teltumbde concluded that Ambed-kar’s conflating with the struggle of an entire people is unparalleled in history. He also asserts that the icon was plagued with his share of limitations.

The author reflects on how the movement Ambedkar built is in tatters, with leaders thriving on Ambedkar cult systematically patronised by the ruling classes. They have made the Marxists and Communists their prime target, instead of the Brahminic zealots. This has origins in the anti-communist slant of Ambedkar, who spoke against Marxism and Communism. In view of the author, Ambedkarism has been the root cause of splits within the Dalit movement, be it Dalit Panthers or RPI. The Congress by projecting Ambekar as chief mentor the Constitution, made the Dalits embrace it as a holy text.

[Harsh Thakor is a freelance journalist. Thanks reference from Hindustan Times]

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Vol 57, No. 23, Dec 1 - 7, 2024