‘Operation Kagar’

Harsh Thakor

Revolutionary Writers Association or Virasam has compiled a set of essays in a booklet ‘Operation Kagar.–The Combined Assault of Corporatisation. Militarisation and Hindutva’ unravelling the barbaric attacks of the Indian government ,to alienate the Adivasis in the forests, as part and parcel of a broader goal of supressing the aspirations of millions and targeting all who resist methods of criminalisation. It has analysed the co–relation between Corporati-sation, Militarisation and Hindutva and explained the phenomenon of ‘Operation Kagar’ within the broader framework of saffron fascism and Indian people’s democratic movements, particularly highlighting the inter– relation of the Framers movement in Delhi from 2020.Most penetratively it explores the socio–economic and historical background as well as the intensity of barbaric oppression unleashed in recent times, particularly with the advent of saffron rule in Delhi.

Dandkaranya in its decades long revolutionary process, pioneered several enriching social and cultural experiences. It bore the brunt of unparalleled violence for four decades and now immersed in the mist of a ruthless battle. ‘Operation Kagar’ is mercilessly extinguishing the indigenous people, deploying more than one hundred thousand paramilitary forces, backed by drones, helicopters and satellite surveillance.

Historically, the Indian State alienated the Adivasi community, with the objective of accumulating forest wealth and natural resources. In spite of their great role in sustaining the economy and ecology, they remained largely invisible, with their traditional way of life underappreciated, rather denied.

It is absolutely imperative for all democrats to bang every nail in the wall to terminate this all–out war of the Indian state. The Modi regime represents the interests of the Corporate Capital and Hindutva agenda, while Adivasis relentlessly wage defiance to preserve their lands and constitutionally guaranteed rights.

 In the age of finance capital, the state and its administrative machinery are operating under a modern constitutional democracy as simply technological managerial brokers for mega corporations. The resistance in Dandakaranya against large scale corporatisation of the natural wealth has converted the region into one of the most extensively militarised zones in India, after North East and Kashmir. The aim of the operation is to captures vast swathes of natural resources for Adanis, Ambanis and their foreign collaborators. The Adivasi movement has in the very thick of the spine posed a challenge to the State–Corporate–Hindutva Nexus.

There is a clear political orientation that the Maoist movement is the biggest obstacle to corporatisation with Minister Amit Shah like his Congress predecessor Chidambaram, vociferously categorising it as the biggest enemy of development and how the state would liberate the country soon. “We will liberate the country from the Maoist movement”.

Immediately after capturing power in Chattisgarh, Modi’s party–the BharatiyaJanata Party (BJP) faced two views––– State Home minister wished to resolve the issue of tribal dispossession with talks while Union Home minister Amit Shah was bent on extinguishing the Maoists who have been fighting for Adivasi rights for more than four decades. In essence both were similar. Hundreds of thousands of CRPF, BSF and other local forces, including vigilante groups like Salwa Judum were sent to Dandakaranya to comply with the sole aim of destroying the Adivasi community.

The SanghParivar perceives the Maoist movement as an obstacle to the objective of “New India” based on corporate Hindutva. It is not just an ideological, cultural strategy for the SanghParivar, but a political, administrative and military strategy for the BJP.

Central India has been the scene of fourteen major mass struggles in the last three years. Silger’s unarmed struggles in Bastar are fermenting with Adivasis understanding the risk of displacement posed by the Indian State and for environmental, cultural and geographical reasons to save forests, water and lands. Millions of people have been engaged in battle on issues like better roads and bridges, opposing felling of trees, mining, tourism and anti–constitutional laws. It has made the state all the more determined to crush the mass movement by enforcing Operation Kagar.

The dark decade of saffron rule has been more reactionary or subversive than the post–liberalisation period of Narsimha Rao. With the destruction of constitutional bodies, the emergency of 1975–7 has long been overshadowed.

The state of Bastar accounts for approximately India’s 38% of iron ore, 18% of manganese,20% of bauxite, 17 % of coal, 11% of dolomite, and 4 % of diamond resources.

The Centre’s strategy is based on privatising existing public sector mining corporations and providing licences to open new mines. Its objective is to construct specific zones for extraction of minerals. It undertook three major steps for this.First was to create favourable policy environment or greater corporate involvement in mining operations. Second was constructing extensive infrastructures like roads, railways and airports etc. Third was through militarising the entire region with police and military camps.

From 2013 to 2018, the Chhattisgarh government signed 272 Memorandum of Understanding with public and private sector corporations, entailing investment of around RS 16.6 billion. To enforce these MOUs and extract resources, the state has tried to uproot the Adivasis from the lands. No political party, barring the Maoist party, has tried to oppose it.

The 1990s marked the era of advent of imperialist globalisation, which reduced federalism, creating smaller states, smaller districts and a stronger centre. Three special states were created in 2000.Unlike Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand; Bastar had a rich tradition of popular mass movements. Brothers Sidhu and Kanhu waged a heroic struggle against British colonialism, while the Santhals and Mundas fought for a separate state before the Simon Commission. Imperialist globalisation policies were the main reasons for the formation of Jharkhand and even Chattisgarh.

In the early 1980s the Maoists sowed the seeds of revolutionary movement penetrating Bihar–Jharkhand region, and in Bastar forests, cutting across from neighbouring state of the then United Andhra Pradesh.

From 1990–2014 the state has deployed a series of counter revolutionary manoeuvres to displace people from land and disrupt their social networks.Extrajudicial killings, faked surrenders, forced displacement and attacks on civil liberties, have been a routine feature, for a long period.

In 2009 Operation Green Hunt was introduced to eliminate the Maoists.

Since 2014, the Modi led NDA govt., has intensified brutalisation at heights unscaled. In 2017 it crystallised Operation Green Hunt into Operation Samadhan aggravating scale of aggression. However it failed to eradicate the Maoists. Despite setbacks they continue to hold the fort.

From January 2024, the state escalated repression through declaring ‘Operation Kagar’, eliminating over 150 people, to take major leap to break the backbone of the Maoist movement.

 The government is continually terrorising and eliminating the Adivasis in the name of containing Maoists in a planned way and yet the mainstream media has remained relatively silent while local media outlets are subjugated to constant threats from disseminating information.

[Harsh Thakor is freelance Journalist who is in touch with civil liberties and Adivasi movement. Thanks information from Virasam Booklet on Operation Kagar.]

Back to Home Page

Frontier
Vol 57, No. 25, Dec 15 - 21, 2024