The Rise and fall of AAP

Subhash Gatade

“Do Not Put Each Foot in a Different Boat.” — Chinese Proverb

A defeat in elections should not be The End of politics for a political party. There are examples how parties who were humbled in one election could bounce back with a huge majority in the next elections.

It is a different matter that with AAP (Aam Aadmi Party) things seem to be unfolding in rather unpredictable ways, thanks to its rather unceremonious exit from the citadels of power in Delhi and defeat of all its top leaders in the recently held elections to the assembly.

Nobody would have imagined that its Supreme Leader would feel so insecure after the loss that he will summon all MLAs of his party–which is leading the government in neighbouring Punjab–to the national capital the very next day for consultation or maybe sweet talk.

No doubt it did give way to speculations about increasing disgruntlement within his party and its legislators and their being in search of greener pastures. It also rekindled debate about the personality-centric functioning of the AAP or how a close confidante of Kejriwal was appointed to a key post under Bhagwant Mann–Chief Minister of Punjab–last year itself which was construed as clipping of his wings by the opposition.

Kejriwal has formally accepted the verdict, congratulated the BJP for the win, and has also promised cooperation with the government.

Allegations of manipulation of electoral lists–and inflating the actual number of voters fraudulently–or deletion of voters, who would be voting for the opposition in any case, did find mention in AAP leaders’ immediate reaction to the results. In fact, a web magazine had provided details of a survey about this issue in a high-profile constituency and even a section of AAP leaders themselves had held a press conference before the day of the voting.

Former leaders of AAP–Prashant Bhushan and Yogendra Yadav–have blamed Kejriwal for AAP’s loss, they have said how Kejriwal’s controversial “Rs 45 crore Sheesh Mahal” and the party’s departure from its original vision of alternative politics led to this debacle. According to them, AAP has turned into a leader-centric organisation.

Ashutosh, formerly associated with AAP felt that it is too early to write its obituary and is still hopeful that it will learn the right lessons from its debacle and make necessary course corrections. He seems hopeful that the party will be able to retrieve its ‘moral veneer’ and reinvigorate itself.

Undoubtedly most miserable are its die-hard supporters, who are finding themselves in a blind alley. Many of these supporters had also joined or had been sympathetic to the RSS-inspired Anna movement which had laid the basis for the formation of the Aam Aadmi Party.

There is a sprinkling of such elements even among the intellectual circles–who were hoping against hope that ‘Mufflerman’ would be able to make a hattrick this time and would be able to consolidate himself further much on the lines of 30 plus-year-old regime of the Left in Bengal.

Looking at the fact that the fight had become triangular–with Congress also in the rings–and the challenging road ahead before AAP, they had unleashed an attack on the Congress Party and its ‘clowns’ for ‘playing spoilsport’.  They seem unmindful of the fact that it was AAP only which had unilaterally closed the door for any adjustment with the grand old party in Delhi, for the assembly elections immediately after the elections to the parliament.

Merely on this count, they had no qualms even in questioning the sincerity of the Congress in fighting the BJP.  Perhaps they had developed a sort of selective amnesia about the recently held elections to the Haryana assembly as well where AAP had fielded candidates from all seats.  Their ‘strength’ in Haryana could be easily gauged from the fact that barring one seat, their candidates had lost deposits in all these seats.  No doubt, they were ‘successful’ in Congress losing 4-5 seats. For posterity, it needs to be mentioned here that most of the pre-poll surveys had also said that Congress would triumph over the BJP led NDA government there.

The path AAP followed in Haryana was not exceptional. It was a continuation of its strategy of fielding its candidates from those regions where Congress was in a contest and they had practised this modus operandi in Goa, Uttarakhand as well as Gujarat. This tactic has objectively weakened Congress in its relative strongholds, helped gain AAP some foothold and directly / indirectly strengthened BJP at the national level. A division in anti-BJP votes has always helped BJP

The motley combination of AAP supporters has been so enamoured of its slogan of ‘clean politics’ that they not only refused to see AAP’s slow metamorphosis into just another political party or alleged involvement of its leaders in scams and its trying to imitate BJP on the Hindu turf.

What is further surprising that the way AAP tried to transform into Hindu first party gradually, how it refused to address the stigmatisation and marginalisation of the minority community under BJP rule, how it refused to stand by the Muslim community in the North East Delhi riots of 2020 or the way it used the gathering at Nizamuddin Markaz–much like the right-wing forces–to put a blame on the Muslims for spread of Corona, etc and never became their concern. What is more, Kejriwal had supported the abrogation of Article 370; and when AAP’s chances of an alliance with Congress fizzled out prior to a previous election, he had then made claims in a press conference that were clearly construed to polarise voters.

It is now history how Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal had announced the distribution of “legally permissible weapons” in Delhi on the eve of elections. AAP–despite being in power in Delhi–did not deem it necessary to oppose such sectarian mobilisation and arming of ordinary Hindus.

One of the most shameful episodes in the AAP’s journey to legitimise its soft Hindutva politics was its competition with the Bharatiya Janata Party to decide ‘who can hate and oppress Rohingya refugees more in election season’.

Perhaps the special message for the migrant children–particularly Rohingya children living in her state–shared by the ex-Chief Minister of Delhi Ms Atishi Marlena (25 December 2025) on X, would always remain as a testimony to the party’s moral bankruptcy:

“On one side are the BJP [BharatiyaJanata Party] people who bring Rohingyas to Delhi by making them cross the border from Bangladesh and give those EWS [Economically Weaker Section] flats and facilities meant for Delhiites.

On the other hand, there is the Aam Aadmi Party [AAP] government of Delhi which is taking every possible step to ensure that the Rohingyas do not get the rights of Delhiites. Today, the education department of the Delhi government has passed a strict Order that no Rohingya should be given admission in the government schools of Delhi.

We will not let the rights of the people of Delhi be taken away!” (Translated to English from the original Hindi post).  Examples galore.

Its Hindu first policy in a multi-religious country found its reflection in its announcement of the policy of honorariums for temple priests and granthis in Gurudwara per month to the tune of Rs 18,000 on the eve of elections but had not made similar announcements for priests of Ravidas Mandir, Valmikimandir or Buddhist priests.
Questions have also been raised about this ‘opportunistic’ approach of AAP–wherein–despite all its talk of respect for Dr Ambedkar, it had forced one of its ministers to resign from his post just because he had read out the 22 pledges uttered by Dr Ambedkar [which were then repeated by millions of people gathered there].

Where does AAP go from here?
Whether it will further its journey on the slippery path of soft Hindutva politics with more vigour and passion to regain its lost support.

If history can be a guide before the party, it can learn how its bete noire namely Congress party had tried its own soft Hindutva politics in the late eighties and how it ended up strengthening the BJP only

Well-known journalist Ravish Kumar has made a video on AAP’s defeat in Delhi elections, it raises a question that takes the debate further. According to him AAP–which rode to victory thrice in Delhi and is now ruling neighbouring Punjab as well, now has to ask a question to itself ‘What is its ideology’.  Ambiguity on this issue will not serve it anymore.

 The battle lines of a different kind have already been drawn and any political formation has to make a choice, where does it stand?

On one side of this ‘battlefield’ are all those individuals, organisations, and political parties who want to save the Constitution–who cherish its principles and values and who are keen that India envisaged by the founders of the Constitution–where there would not be any discrimination on the basis of gender, caste, religion, etc anymore survives and it says a final ‘No’ to politics of hate/exclusion and on the other side are all those individuals, formations, political parties who are keen that this great country–with a history of composite heritage-ushers  into a Hindu Rashtra.

AAP’s record of ambivalence since a decade and more is clear and of late one is witnessing growing fascination for this soft Hindutva politics, among avowedly secular parties also seem to fall prey to it under mass pressure on occasions.

Perhaps all these new entrants to this experiment may consider themselves smart players in Indian politics–who are supposedly able to retain their identity but also expand their footprints in the region but they forget the fact that by not defending secular principles and values and trying to imitate Hindutva politics in their own  way, they are basically furthering and consolidating the Hindutva project itself. All their so-called smart moves further accelerate the dynamic of this project to rebuild India into a Hindu Rashtra.

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Frontier
Vol 57, No. 36, March 2 - 8, 2025