The Tibet Question Returns

Yeshi Choedon

Tibet became an occupied country following the the defeat of the Tibetan army in the Battle of Chamdo in October 1950 and the subsequent Chinese military advance. The Question of Tibet was first considered at the United Nations in 1951. It has been discussed at various international forums for over seven decades. Despite being repeatedly labelled as a “lost cause” due to countries’ reluctance to confront China’s overwhelming power, the resilient spirit of the Tibetan people has consistently returned the issue to international attention. In the current era of wasteland of morality in international relations, the Question of Tibet faces new significant challenges such as China’s Assimilative Education Policies in Tibet, the Yarlung Tsangpo Dam project, and the contentious issue of the Dalai Lama’s reincarnation.

When the Tibetan Government appealed to the United Nations for intervention in November 1950, El Salvador responded by submitting a draft resolution entitled “Invasion of Tibet by Foreign Forces.” Rather than discussing the resolution, the UN deferred discussion on the pretext of Tibet’s unclear status. The major powers found a convenient excuse for not taking any measures to the crisis developing in Tibet. A full-scale discussion occurred only after Tibet’s 1959 revolt against Chinese rule. Even then, the issue was framed merely as “human rights violations,” deliberately avoiding the political dimensions of Tibet’s occupation. This reduction of Tibet’s national subjugation to a human rights matter conveniently aligned with the strategic interests of major powers.

Although the Government of India could not provide political support to the Question of Tibet, its assistance in the rehabilitation and reconstruction of Tibetan society and institutions in India made a lasting contribution to the cause of Tibet. Unlike typical host countries that pursue assimilation policies to integrate refugees into their societies, India established autonomous Tibetan settlements across the country specifically designed to preserve Tibetan identity and culture—the very elements facing systematic destruction and sinicisation in Tibet. The Government of India has given autonomous power to the Tibetan Exile Government to manage the Tibetan settlements in India. It also set up the Central Tibetan School Administration (CTSA) in 1961 to establish, manage and assist schools in India for the education of Tibetan refugee children while preserving and promoting their culture and heritage. Three generations of Tibetan refugees have now lived in these settlements, with most of the second and third generations of Tibetans educated in these schools under CTSA.

A significant challenge for the Tibetan community in India emerged from its educational success: a growing population of qualified but unemployed Tibetan youth. Their stateless status disqualifies them from many employment opportunities in India. Furthermore, economic activities outside Tibetan settlements face substantial barriers—Tibetans cannot legally own businesses, obtain licenses, purchase land, or secure bank loans. These constraints have propelled Tibetan migration to Western countries and other parts of the world wherever they got an opportunity.

Yet, this global dispersal has strengthened rather than weakened the Tibetan freedom movement. Wherever they settled, the Tibetans formed Tibetan Associations and registered them as NGOs in their host countries. These organisations serve dual purposes: preserving and promoting Tibetan culture among the younger generation while globalising the Tibetan cause and amplifying voices silenced within Tibet.

The rise of China as a global power and its growing economic clout by the turn of the Century has made the countries traditionally supportive of the Tibetan movement capitulate to China’s pressure. A clear indication of this trend has been the increasing tendency of the leaders to avoid meetings with the Dalai Lama, as Beijing views such meetings as part of a Western plot to split China. Some of the host countries have even placed restrictions and resorted to suppression of Tibetan activities in their countries. Even in South Asia, Tibetans have encountered the brunt of the Chinese appeasement policy of the host countries.

In recent years, international relations have undergone significant transformations, with states increasingly prioritising their self-interest over collective well-being and the moral principle of rights and wrongs, accelerating a moral decay in international relations. In this period of ‘wasteland of morality’, China has intensified its control over Tibet through heightened surveillance, religious restrictions, and suppression of dissent. Three critical challenges now confront Tibetans: China’s Assimilative Education Policies, China’s Yarlung Tsangpo Dam project, and the reincarnation of the 14th Dalai Lama.

Perhaps most alarming is China’s establishment of mandatory boarding schools for Tibetan children, separating them from their families, language, and culture. These institutions subject children to political indoctrination and forced assimilation. Human rights organisations report that nearly one million Tibetan children are enrolled in distant boarding schools. They could achieve this scheme through the strategic closure of rural schools in predominantly Tibetan areas. However, these developments have not led to a strong reaction from the international community, except for a few reports by the UN agencies, international non-governmental organisations and some media outlets. It is futile to expect a strong reaction in this era of morally decadent international relations.

Another current issue of great concern is China’s Yarlung Tsangpo Dam Project. Despite repeated warnings from scientists of the disastrous effect of the growing degradation and desertification of the Tibet Plateau, China continues with major infrastructure projects such as dams and railway networks. China’s YarlungTsangpo Dam project is the world’s largest hydropower dam in the Tibetan plateau. This could significantly affect the Tibetans by displacing them from their traditional lands, disrupting their livelihood and delicate ecosystem. This dam project could make the Tibetans bear huge environmental, human and cultural costs. Without global pressure, Tibetans face the irreversible loss of their land, livelihoods, and cultural heritage. Yet, little international attention has been paid to the effect of the Yarlung Tsangpo Dam Project on Tibetans in Tibet. Their focus is primarily on China’s weaponisation of water and the negative effect on downstream countries, such as India and Bangladesh, rather than the existential threat to Tibetans in the region. It displays, once again, the moral decay of current international relations.

The reincarnation of the Dalai Lama is crucial for Tibetans as it symbolises the continuity of spiritual leadership and the preservation of Tibetan culture. The issue has become geopolitically charged again as the Dalai Lama is approaching 90 years old. China seeks to control the process to legitimise its authority over Tibet. China asserts exclusive authority to recognise his successor.

Meanwhile, the current 14th Dalai Lama has indicated he may not reincarnate at all and thus end the reincarnation lineage or may reincarnate outside Tibet and China’s control or choose his successor in a way that prevents external interference. Recently, he allayed the apprehension of his followers and assured them by announcing that he would live until age 113. Although the Tibetans are pacified with the prospect of the Dalai Lama remaining alive till 113, the US, China and India are active in their strategies of dealing with the issue as they have a great stake in it. Thus, the reincarnation question will not remain just a spiritual matter but a critical flashpoint in global politics.

Beijing will most likely come out with its own reincarnated Dalai Lama after the passing of the 14th Dalai Lama, which will not be acceptable to the Tibetans, the US, and India. India and the US may come out with their own reincarnated Dalai Lamas. Thus, multiple competing “reincarnations” may emerge, but none of them will belong to Tibetans, as the Tibetans, both in Tibet and exile, are powerless.

The Tibet question stands as a stark example of the morally decadent state of international relations, where the notion of right and wrong is sacrificed for political, strategic, and economic interests. As a result, Tibetans in Tibet continue to endure repression, cultural erasure, and environmental destruction. However, the Question of Tibet is not likely to disappear as Tibetan migrants throughout Europe, the US, Japan, Taiwan, Australia, New Zealand and elsewhere have expanded the Tibetan movement’s scope and reach. Their activism, along with Tibetan youth’s activism in various universities, serves as ambassadors for the cause of Tibet and the voice for the voiceless in Tibet. Thus, their activism, alongside global civil society and some courageous media outlet support, ensures the Question of Tibet remains alive even in this era of moral decay of international relations.

[Tibetans observe March 10 as their uprising day every year. The article was written on the occasion to highlight their plight and how the so-called international community refuses to recognise their right to self-determination.–Fr]

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Frontier
Vol 57, No. 38, March 16 - 22, 2025