Statement: PCC CPIML

Call Issued by the PCC, CPI(M-L) for co-ordination of communist revolutionaries

The fascist movement and its concomitant fallout of on-going meticulously planned subversion of constitutional democracy by the present dispensation in power for a fascist takeover of power is facing tough challenges from people’s multifaceted 
movement for citizenship rights, rights of the workers and peasants, women’s rights, forest rights, people’s rights on natural resources, ecological rights etc.

Though all these rights are fundamentally directed against the neo-colonial economy and masculine majoritarian nationalism, these are revolving around a defensive and reformist agenda. The participation of working class is still not as class-in-itself for transformation to class for itself, but as a group of workers especially in cities and urban centres.

The people’s upsurge in cities and urban areas on citizenship question has already brought the question of democracy and state character into the focus of political discourse. This indicates that if all the people’s movements can be co-ordinated with a genuine revolutionary direction, it can lead to a revolutionary crisis in the next round of popular uprising under the leadership of working class and worker-peasant alliance in the event of a global economic meltdown.

This necessitates a formidable revolutionary subjective force who can play the role from the perspective of ‘from the masses, to the masses’ to emerge and this underlines the urgency of the unity of all the Indian communist revolutionaries.

In the absence of a subjective revolutionary force organically linked with the people’s movement, there is every possibility that the people’s movements which have mostly developed spontaneously and from their own life-experience may be coopted by a new version of liberal democracy and with a soft Hindutva core or the fascist state may be successful in suppressing the people’s assertions.

But there is no denying the fact that this moment of the here and now is the moment for the broadest unity against the imminent danger of fascist takeover of the state under the leadership of Sangh Parivar who have already grabbed power at the centre. 

In the backdrop of diversity of epistemology prevailing within   the Indian revolutionaries due to diverse historical experience from praxis and theoretical polemics, the unity in one go appears to be impractical and unsustainable.

With this in view, the PCCCPI(M-L) proposes that based on concrete analysis of the concrete situation and taking cognizance of diverse people’s movements, a common approach paper needs to be prepared to form a coordination committee of all revolutionary parties/groups  within a specific time frame, leaving the space open for individual parties/groups to act put side the periphery of the common approach paper. This is, of course, considered as an initial endeavour to reach the goal of a common united party.
But the PCC, CPI(M-L) thinks the following points must be the basis of the proposed coordination with a view to reaching the unity of communist revolutionaries.

(1) What is the fundamental contradiction, barring many other factors intertwined with it, that lends to the rise of fascist forces to grab power? The PCC CPI(M-L) thinks that the feudal social relations of production are disintegrating very rapidly, but the existing political structure fails to adapt these changes. In the ideological sphere, the altruistic view of the state is also challenged by the universal ego of the newly developing civil society. The fascist forces are trying to resolve this fundamental contradiction by fascistisation of the state from above through political concentration of power and supra-nationalist ideology by pandering the imagined Indian pride or chauvinist ego.

(2) What is the primary manifestation of remaking of state and society and even the family structure and values? The primary manifestation is the marginalisation and disintegration of all kinds of workers, mental and manual, the contractualisation, casualization and more importantly, onslaughts on workers by depriving them of all kinds of existing constitutional rights. The communists must unite to build organized resistance against this onslaught.

(3) The crisis in agriculture and accumulation through dispossession lead the peasant masses to build resistance struggles. The communists have the task to establish working class leadership and organize these struggles from the perspective of a broad-based unity.

(4) The identity struggle which got impetus in the eighties is undergoing restructuring and the caste-class is getting fused together. The privileged sections within the domain of the identities are being co-opted within the fascist nationalist hierarchy and the identity movements, especially those of the Dalits and marginalized communities are raising the demands for their rights from a working class perspective, not confining them only to the question of share of power within the existing structure. This is the reason why the marginalized communities, especially the Dalits, Muslims and Sikhs have shown an exemplary unity on the question of citizenship and democracy in the ongoing people’s struggles.

(5) In all these struggles, the women’s movement is emerging as an independent prominent class struggle under their own leadership. In this backdrop, women’s labour and women’s liberty within the essence of social and workers’ movement become of utmost importance when women are participating in the social labour of production.

(6) The question of citizenship and democracy has its paramount importance not only for saving constitutional democracy, but of extending democracy through nation-wide debates and formulations thereon. The communists have the duty to safeguard the democratic content of the constitution and demand abrogation of all provisions, i.e., acts like Sedition Act etc. Which bear the colonial legacy.

(7) The fascists have a project for nation-building. The communists need to formulate an alternative project of a new-democratic state as well as a new economic model to place before the people for a new vision which counters the masculine nationalist vision of the ruling class. This may include federal restructuring, right to recall, state ownership, worker s’ cooperatives or workplace worker councils, peasant committees for their own collective decision-making process.

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Mar 16, 2020